Herbert Kitschelt, Logics of Party Formation. Ecological Politics in Belgium and West Germany (1989), Chapter 1.

[Notes from Chapter 1 accompanied by additional information from the rest of the book – book reviews]
Main Argument: The Logics of Party Formation addresses a major issue in the transformation of the politics of industrialized nations, the growth and institutionalization of environmental and left-libertarian movements and political parties. The first chapter looks at the emergence of new Left or libertarian parties in Western Europe and the US.
Key Definitions:
“Perverse Effects” of organizational process: Perverse effects are those that result when behaviours that are rational from the point of view of individuals lead to collective and organizational irrationality.
Method: Quantitative analysis of the structural and political opportunity preconditions for the emergence of significant left-libertarian political parties in twenty-three Western democracies. Kitschelt draws on open-system theory, incentive analysis (Clark and Wilson, 1961), and theories of party organization to articulate an encompassing explanation of the organizational choices, structural disarticulations, and internal lives of these parties.
== Notes ==
– Left-Libertarian (LL) parties emerge out of the new social movements (e.g.. environmental, peace, feminist, and neighbourhood movements) of the sixties
– They are “left” because they emphasize solidarity and equality; they are “libertarian” because their adherents do not believe in centralized planning and bureaucracy and have a disdain for established political institutions and procedures
– Where the left is still fighting for welfare-state benefits, there is little room for left-libertarian parties
– Where left-labour parties are in a highly competitive situation with conservative parties, left-libertarian parties do not develop
– Where stable corporatist policies have developed, however, labour is in alliance with the state, and left-libertarian parties do not threaten welfare-state gains
– Parties may have many objectives:  there is a logic of constituency representation as well as the more familiar logic of electoral competition
– The logic of constituency representation leads parties to state demands, embody values and ideology in their operation, and offer symbolic and expressive rewards, regardless of the ability of the party to contest elections successfully
– Constituency representation and electoral competition have differing and potentially conflicting organizational imperatives
Hypotheses: [74]
– First, left-libertarian parties will pursue a logic of constituency representation where (1) social mobilization of the left-libertarian cleavage is high and where (2) existing elites vigorously oppose the new party’s claim to participation in the political system;
– Second, left-libertarian parties are likely to experience intense internal conflict over party organization, program, and strategy where the left-libertarian cleavage is highly mobilized, and simultaneously where the parties find themselves in a strong competitive position in the party system;
– Third, the logic of constituency representation is most likely to be beset by perverse effects in ecology party organizations located in areas where there are many left-libertarian social movements and where ecology parties are in a strong competitive position
Chapter 1: Left-Libertarian Parties In Western Democracies:
Method: Estimates a logit model. DV: Existence of LL parties
Explanations for left-libertarian Politics:[14]
– Left-Libertarian parties share the same voter profile
– Structural explanations of economic, social and cultural changes –> new preferences and demands from the electorate
– Institutions and power relations –> arguments of timing, form and intensity
– Resource mobilisation –> political opportunity structures
– Breakdown theory –> collective mobilisation in response to social institutions not delivering
– Arguments based on presumed correlates of “post-industrialism,” such as the size of the tertiary occupational sector or the relative size of the student population in advanced education, do not hold
– Instead, he shows that relative wealth, political opportunity and political competition explain their emergence
– Post-materialist arguments do not explain the lags between value change and party realignment [19]; they do not sufficiently predict the conditions which lead to the formation of LL parties
Political Institutions & Power Relations:
– Institutions arrangements such as the welfare state explains the rise of LL parties
– Where there is centralised interest groups and bureaucratised mass parties, there tends to be welfare states
– Labour corporatism also explains, in part, the emergence of LL parties
– Power relation conditions that promote the emergence of LL parties: divided bourgeois parties; long socialist government incumbency; where traditional Left parties are weak and LL voters have nothing to lose by leaving them [22]
– Electoral systems do not significantly affect the emergence of LL parties [25]
Five main features that support the emergence of LL parties:
– Per capita GNP
– Social security expenditure
– Strike activity
– Left Parties in government
– Intensity of IG activity
*It is the inter-dependence of these factors that really matters
*Even though LL issues constitute a new cleavage in modern politics, this will not necessarily spawn lasting independent political parties [39]